AIADMK may have to amend by-laws to elevate Sasikala

CHENNAI: V.K. Sasikala, the long-time confidante of former Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, may be strongly favoured by several AIADMK leaders and office-bearers to become its general secretary, but the existing provisions of the party’s constitution are not in her favour.

She does not fulfil the rule of mandatory five-year uninterrupted primary membership of the party to contest for any party post. Section 30 (5) of the AIADMK Rules and Regulations amended in February 2007 states: “Those who want to contest for the post of office-bearers in the organisation should have been member of the party for five years without any break.”

However, party sources say should Ms. Sasikala agree to run for the top post, there is one way the rule can be overcome — if it is considered as a special case by the Executive Committee.

“The decision of the Executive Committee should be later ratified by the General Council. The newly-elected general secretary can later uphold the decisions of the Executive Committee and the General Council,” a party leader well-versed with the AIADMK’s constitution told The Hindu on Sunday.

There are about 70 to 80 members who are part of the Executive Committee, including senior party leaders and Ministers, district unit secretaries and senior functionaries. In the General Council, there are about 2,000 members. Besides the 1,500 elected members in the General Council, special invitees and nominees are its members.

Expelled in 2011

Ms. Sasikala, who was an AIADMK member, along with her husband M. Natarajan and other close relatives was expelled from the primary membership of the party in December 2011, when she sent out of Jayalalithaa’s ‘Veda Nilayam’ residence in Poes Garden as well. The then general secretary (Jayalalithaa) had asked the partymen not to have any contact with Ms. Sasikala and the other expelled members. There was no specific reason given for the expulsion.

After Ms. Sasikala’s apologised to Jayalalithaa, she was re-admitted into the party, though the exact date is not known. What was made public is that in April 2012, Jayalalithaa had welcomed her back to her household.

Assuming that Ms. Sasikala was given the party’s membership the same month, she has only completed four-and-a-half years as a member. She does not fulfil the rule of mandatory five-year uninterrupted primary membership of party to contest.

(The article was published in The Hindu on December 12, 2016)

'Sasikala's emergence more of a compromise'

CHENNAI: Even as senior political leaders within the AIADMK are openly pleading with V.K. Sasikala, the “surrogate sister” of late Chief Minister Jayalalithaa, to take over the mantle of the party leadership, some political commentators feel this gesture is more a compromise than a consensus.

According to Professor Ramu Manivannan, who teaches at the Department of Politics and Public Administration in the University of Madras, the foremost concern of senior party leaders, MLAs and the Ministers would be to remain in their posts for the remaining tenure of four-and-a-half years of the government.

“There is a leadership crisis within the party. People within the party do not have an alternative. Naturally, it is the survival instincts which are behind their decisions. It (senior leaders’ public support to Sasikala) is more a compromise than any kind of consensus,” he contends.

“Her leadership would be put to test only when she leads her party in electoral politics. None of the MLAs or Ministers would want to forego their power and stand in an election which they are not sure of who would win it for them.”

But, for journalist and political commentator ‘Gnani’ Sankaran, the developments within the AIADMK haven’t come as a surprise. He says leaders from other political parties, senior AIADMK leaders and the media always knew Ms. Sasikala was acting from behind the scenes even when Jayalalithaa was alive.

“The only difference is while earlier Sasikala was taking decisions in the shadow of Jayalalithaa without any accountability, now she would be taking decisions and would be accountable for them,” he says.

It is a well-known fact that Ms. Sasikala was holding discussions with all political parties over alliance or other issues and Jayalalithaa would only come for the photo opportunity, he quips.

Replying to a query on grass-root level AIADMK workers’ accepting Ms. Sasikala as their leader, he says, “katchi thondan (cadre) is only an emotional slave of the party. What is needed now is to appeal to his emotions and that is already being done.”

The real test

Another commentator says the equals (leaders) within the party are rallying behind a more than equal — Ms. Sasikala. “The local body polls in Tamil Nadu would be the real test for Sasikala’s leadership. The grass-root level party workers support to her or the absence of it can be ascertained only in the future.”

Asked whether Ms. Sasikala had sufficient knowledge of issues facing the State, he says, “She didn’t get an opportunity to air her comments on various issues. But as the (probable) general secretary of the party, she would be able to air her opinions in the future.”

(The article was published in The Hindu on December 12, 2016)

Jayalalithaa laid to rest

Dramatic scenes in Rajaji Hall where thousands thronged to catch a glimpse of Amma for one last time

CHENNAI: Shock, grief, disbelief and a sense of being orphaned engulfed several thousand partymen, who thronged Rajaji Hall in the Omandurar Government Estate campus on Tuesday to catch a glimpse of their beloved Puratchi Thalaivi Amma for one last time.

Anxious party cadre arrived at the estate well before sunrise, and as soon as the ambulance carrying the body of Jayalalithaa entered the campus, screamed “Amma, Amma” inconsolably. Earlier in the day, the body was taken to Jayalalithaa’s Poes Garden residence, ‘Veda Nilayam’, from the Apollo Hospitals before being brought to Rajaji Hall for public viewing.

Draped in the national flag, the mortal remains of the leader was displayed on the porch of the historic Rajaji Hall. Though a section of partymen objected to, and even hurled abuses at, Jayalalithaa’s long-time confidante Sasikala, she continued to remain in close proximity to the body.

Chief Minister O. Panneerselvam, who was mentored by Jayalalithaa and has taken over the reins of government for the third time, stood distraught. Union Minister M. Venkaiah Naidu was among the first to arrive at the hall and soon after, leaders cutting across party lines followed to pay homage to the AIADMK general secretary.

At times, when those paying homage inadvertently blocked its view, the crowd grew impatient and shouted and waved their arms, signalling people to move. Wave after wave of mourners attempted to push past the police barricades, beating their chests, screaming and crying, while the police, in a human chain, pushed back resolutely.

Much of the crowd held their mobile phones high, while others waved party flags till the end of the proceedings.

When the crowd grew restless earlier on Tuesday afternoon, the police had to use their lathis to bring them under control.

On several occasions, the crowd was so uncontrollable that the enthusiastic party supporters had to be firmly handled in order to avoid stampedes. Grief-stricken party supporters aside, there was excitement among a section of the crowd when popular actors arrived to pay homage.

When it was time for the military personnel to lift the body and place it on an open vehicle, the screams grew louder.

As the procession took to the road, partymen and supporters threw flower petals and raised slogans.

Almost all buildings in the path of the procession on the Wallajah Road had hundreds of onlookers on the terrace, windows, balconies and every other space available to bid adieu to the leader.

It took an hour for the procession to reach the MGR Memorial, where arrangements were in place for the funeral.

With several thousand people watching the live telecast of the funeral from across the country and beyond, and several hundred partymen shouting “Puratchi Thalaivi Amma engal uyir!”, the mortal remains of Jayalalithaa was finally lowered into the pit with full State honours.

(The article was published in The Hindu on December 7, 2016 with inputs from colleagues)

AIADMK files complaint against Stalin

Stung by Deputy Chief Minister M K Stalin’s reported remark about the marital status of AIADMK chief Jayalalithaa, her party today filed a complaint against him with the Election Commission demanding immediate action.

Stalin’s remark was “malicious and was beyond all limits of decency”, the complaint, filed a day after the EC issued a notice to Ms. Jayalalithaa for allegedly making personal remarks against Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi, said.

AIADMK Rajya Sabha member P H Manoj Pandian in a written compliant to Tamil Nadu Chief Electoral Officer, said Mr. Stalin made “derogatory and defamatory remarks” against Ms. Jayalalithaa in Namakkal on Friday last during a campaign for the April 13 Assembly polls. Quoting Mr. Stalin from a Tamil daily as saying that the AIADMK chief was not married and so was not interested in funding other women’s weddings, Mr. Pandian said it was “no way connected with the public activities of the leader.”

Terming the speech as a “clear violation of the Model Code of Conduct,” Mr. Pandian, who is also State Advocate Wing Secretary of AIADMK, demanded immediate action against Mr. Stalin. AIADMK has sought two days time to reply to the EC’s notice to her. Ms. Jayalalithaa’s ally and DMDK leader Vijayakant has also been slapped with similar notice for his reported personal attacks on Mr. Karunanidhi.

DMDK, PMK fight over Vanniar votes

The heartland of the backward Vanniar community of Northern and Western Tamil Nadu will see DMDK and PMK slug it out for electoral honours in the April 13 polls. The community, which accounts for over 35 per cent of the population, was once considered PMK's vote bank. But the scenario changed after advent of DMDK, floated by actor politician Vijaykant, who weaned away Vanniar youth from PMK. In the last assembly and Lok Sabha polls, DMDK had garnered a substantial vote bank in this area, leading to defeat of all PMK nominees. PMK, which contested the elections in the company of the AIADMK, has now aligned with ruling DMK. Though DMDK and PMK will contest directly only in six constituencies -- in north and west, the increasing percentage of votes DMDK has got in the last two polls points to a tough fight in the Vanniar-dominated constituencies. Despite the popular PMK slogan of 'Vanniar vottu anniyarku alla' (Vanniars will not vote for candidates of other castes), Vijaykant's maiden win over a PMK candidate from Vridhachalam in the 2006 polls, where Vanniars and Adi-Dravidars are predominant, indicate DMDK is eating into PMK's vote bank. Interestingly, the same PMK candidate who lost to Vijaykant in 2006 had triumphed in the previous assembly polls against a DMK candidate in 2001. This shows how DMDK has hijacked the vote base in the Vanniar stronghold since 2006. Vijaykant's contest from Rishivandhiyam, also in north, this time shows DMDK's confidence in countering PMK's influence in the region. Rishivandhiyam voters have favoured a Congress candidate which had PMK in its alliance in the last two elections. While DMK has allotted 26 of the total of 31 seats to PMK in the northern and western regions, K Malaichamy, former MP of AIADMK asserts, "We (AIADMK) are very strong in the west and we have DMDK in the north." DMDK contests most of its 41 seats from northern and western segments. The DMDK that took off in 2005, secured 8.38 per cent and 10.09 per cent vote share in 2006 assembly and 2009 Lok Sabha polls respectively, while PMK has been on the winning alliance in the last two assembly elections. The fact that DMDK has bagged 41 seats from the AIADMK alliance while long-term AIADMK ally MDMK was virtually shown the door shows how it has grown in strength in the last five years and has become a political force to reckon with. On the other side, PMK was inducted into the DMK alliance in a similar manner even after it ruffled feathers with the ruling party between the assembly polls. Moreover, the DMK completing the seat-sharing exercise with PMK long before it did with Congress displays DMK's expectations from the PMK. With the issues in the assembly polls being more local, snatching the sentiments in the Vanniar heartland from each other will be the contesting points between PMK and DMDK. At least largely for that reason alone both parties seem to have found a place in their respective alliances. Vanniar community, right from the first general elections in 1952, had been returning its caste members to the assembly and Parliament. The late S S Ramaswamy Padayachi, a prominent leader of the Vanniar community, along with late Manikavelu Naicker floated the Common Wheel party in 1952, which bagged a sizeable number of seats in the belt, denying an absolute majority to the Congress in the composite Madras State. Even well-known newspaper magnate late Ramnath Goenka, as a Congress candidate, had to toil against little known Thirukural Munusamy at Tindivanam of the Common Wheel party to enter the Lok Sabha. Late C Rajagoplachary, who was sworn in as Chief Minister after the then assembly polls, negotiated a deal with both leaders to 'create' majority for Congress in the house.

Studying History for analysing politics

In the photo: Dr. P.M. Rajan Gurukkal

Photo: By special arrangement

Politics and the study of history have always been associated very closely, especially in the Indian context. The study of history as a discipline has undoubtedly encouraged many people in taking up politics as a career. Though most of us interested in the political discourse of India in general and Tamil Nadu in particular, and analyse the situations at any given point of time, what happens to the systematic study of history in understanding politics and other influencing factors that have shaped the society into what it is today? The status of history taught in Indian universities and colleges are not to this day, is scientific; neither the majority of students and teachers of history take up serious research. The following is an interview with Dr. P.M. Rajan Gurukkal - a historian who has specialised in the study of early south India. Dr. Gurukkal is also the Vice Chancellor of Mahatma Gandhi University, Kottayam in Kerala, since November 2008.

DSJ: Why do we get very few good students for studying history in India, especially in the South ?
Prof Gurukkal: The basic issue is the socio-economics of absence of youth’s freedom of choice in their higher education. All over India the best scoring students go for medicine and engineering. The better ones go for management and business studies. The good among the remaining seek to join English language or economics or other social sciences. The worst join history or the regional language, though many brilliant students have aptitude to the discipline. This order of preference indicating hierarchy of intellectual capabilities is indeed connected to career prospects of each knowledge area, the compulsion of which accounts for as to why the youth are unable to go by their aptitudes. Such a situation of the predominance of low calibre students turned history into a shallow discipline taught by low calibre teachers.

DSJ: Is the present syllabus in the Universities good enough to produce quality students ?
Prof Gurukkal: Intellectually unchallenging syllabus, sterile curriculum and low quality teachers have made the discipline unattractive to good students. Even if any brilliant students seek to learn history, the socio-economically contingent shallowness of the discipline drives them away. The present syllabuses of history in most Universities in the Country are obsolete and too trivial to be nurturing advanced cognitive ability, deeper analytical faculty and higher theoretical capability. This is particularly true of the fate of history in most Universities of South India, which turn good students dull. Certainly, we have to substantially update and upgrade the content of courses in history by removing the redundant and importing the latest.

DSJ: Can you suggest any structural changes for attracting more students into studying history ?
Prof Gurukkal: Structural changes alone will not help. Entry of good students is essential, for which social demand for good graduates in history should increase, which is abysmally low today, due to the peculiar situation of history being least preferred by the bright students and hence invariably dominated by poor clientele. Nevertheless, appropriate and timely structural changes seeking to nurture higher cognitive, analytical and communicative capabilities can enhance quality of students graduating in history, which in its turn can increase their employability and hence the social demand for them. One potential structural reform relates to promotion of interdisciplinary approach and introduction of theory that can make the discipline more insightful and socially relevant to resolving predicaments of the present.

DSJ: Have you observed any major changes or new trends in history studying over the years from your student days to the recent times ?
Prof Gurukkal: New trends have been there in studying history. But their percolation to the syllabus and curriculum has been very slow. Focus on socio-economic history, historiography, theory, and regional history was a new trend in the discipline during my student days, which had some effects on the syllabus. Despite the emphasis of the trend accrued in the discipline over the decades, the level of its percolation in the syllabus is shamefully low. Needless is to mention the poor state of subsequent trends, such as the history of ideas, subaltern studies and gender. The latest trends like discourse analysis, deconstruction, human ecological analysis, human geographical studies, and environmental history are not absorbed at all.

DSJ: Do you think scientific way of teaching history is followed in the Universities in India ?
Prof Gurukkal: If we mean by the scientific way of teaching, a mode of teaching history enabling students understand on their own the discipline’s intellectual depth and social relevance, it is hardly followed anywhere as a rule. Nevertheless, individual teachers in a few Universities like JNU had practised it, which I can endorse as a beneficiary. An extremely small number of such great teachers in history may be available in a few Universities across the Country. Even at the level of research, teacher support is hopelessly bad. With the result, in matters of knowledge base, technical competence in handling the source material, analytical faculty, theoretical framework of comprehension and language power for effective exposition, majority of the history dissertations in our Universities are poor. It is a shoddy descriptive, narrative exercise and very rarely an explanatory theoretical project. Professional history is inevitably social theoretical.

DSJ: What are the other major challenges ?
Prof Gurukkal: The major challenge is that of the neo-liberal trade in higher education taking advantage of the Country’s socio-economic backwardness on the one side and middleclass careerism on the other. It is very difficult to attract good students to history in an age with highly paid career as its primary obsession. Market-friendly academic programmes will further push history to the margin.

DSJ: Do we need to have specialised programmes like M.A in Social History or Economic History and so on ?
Prof Gurukkal: Indeed, scholarly specialisation in history has led to extensive production of specialised knowledge and its publication commendable enough for Universities to offer academic programmes of exclusive kind. It is academically feasible for a University to offer M.A in social history or economic history, but it is that easy to succeed in generating social demand for such postgraduates and sustain the programme. Anyway specialisation devoid of theoretical holism is not of much social use and hence incapable of raising social demand. Introduction of social formation perspective can at once make special M.A programmes in specialised histories intellectually challenging and useful in the context of the present social developmental.

The Great Indian Election Festival

The narrow roads of Chennai will soon be campaigning lanes for the parties that are already working on their campaign schedules. Party flags will flutter in all corners of the city with partymen distributing pamphlets. With most of the parties announcing their candidates for the general elections, all the VIPs of the state will appear again for public view.

Wake up, Tamil Nadu - lot of promises are waiting!

Click the following for a funny video on election campaign:

http://www.metacafe.com/watch/2694045/indian_elections_share_your_voice/

'Coming Back' Politics

 Rebel MDMK leaders join DMK

With Tamil Nadu facing the parliamentary elections in just two months, leaders of various political parties and leaders who had quit parties are aligning themselves under two banners, as usual – AIADMK and DMK camps. The MDMK is with the AIADMK this time, but not as a whole, since the party lost some of its important leaders split over the issue of aligning with Jayalalithaa since Aseembly elections in 2006. The three famous leaders that the MDMK lost until now are Gingee Ramachandran, former Minister of State for Finance, L. Ganesan, Member of Parliament elected to Lok Sabha from Tiruchchirapalli and M Kannappan.

On 17 March, Gingee Ramachandran and L. Ganesan joined the DMK in front of the party’s President and Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi along with their supporters in Kalaivanar Arangam on the Wallajah Road in Chennai.

The entire stretch of Wallajah Road and parts of Mount Road near the venue were posters and hoardings showing Gingee Ramachandran wishing DMK leaders.

Sending signals across seas

Anti War slogans in Tamil Nadu

The recent killings in the troubled island of Sri Lanka have deeper implications in Tamil Nadu  politics. We have asked some serious questions.

Listen to a pod cast on this by Dennis S. Jesudasan.

Link:  http://www.podomatic.com/search?query=anti+war+slogans+in+tamil+nadu&x=24&y=6

'India should pressurize SL'

I came across this article ' For a Pro-active Indian Policy on Sri Lanka' by Leslie Keerthi Kumar, that insisted the Indian government to presurrize the Sri Lankan government to devolve powers and give political autonomy to its Tamil population. The article also talks in length how the Indian government should go about the sensitive Sri Lankan issue that has very much affected the politics in its state of Tamil Nadu.

The author is Research Scholar, School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi. The complete text of the article appeared in the Institute for Peace and Conflict Studies' website.

http://ipcs.org/article_details.php?articleNo=2826

'Federal structure with devolved powers is the solution'

This is another interview with Prof. V. Suryanarayan, former Director of Centre for South and Southeast Asian Studies in the University of Madras over the sensitive Sri Lankan issue and the Indian government's response to it. V. Suryanarayan is now the President of the Chennai Centre for China Studies. He is an expert specializing in the Indo - Sri Lankan relations for the last several years.

In the picture: Prof. V. Suryanarayan
Photo: Dennis S. Jesudasan

It is said that the fall of Killinochhi was a clear sign of the end of the ethnic crisis in the island. How do you read the incidents in the past five months? Is it possible for the government forces to completely wipe LTTE off the island?

The incidents only reveal the decline of the LTTE as a conventional military force. Unless the military presence is accompanied by political reforms the ethnic crisis will not come to an end. But the LTTE is very likely to switch over to a guerilla struggle. Some of them may go out of the Vanni jungle and seek shelter elsewhere and carry on with their mission.

In the case of the LTTE losing its commander (V. Prabakaran) off the battlefield, who in your opinion will take over to lead the organisation?

The LTTE is a highly centralized organization with all powers concentrated in the hands of its leader Prabakaran. So, it is difficult to say who will follow him. Also, he has not nominated anyone.

What kind of government set up would help Sri Lanka in finding a solution that "is acceptable to all communities"?

A federal structure with clear constitutional guarantee and devolution of powers alone can satisfy the political aspirations of the minority communities in the Island.

What is the Colombo’s position on the thirteenth amendment of the Sri Lankan Constitution?

President Rajapaksa says he will implement the thirteenth amendment as soon as possible. But, he has not implemented it in the Eastern Province in the past. But, in all his responses to the Indian government and during his visits to New Delhi, he has only been promising to implement. Nothing substantial has come out of it.

With a multi lingual, multi religious and multi cultural society (both Indian case and otherwise), is it possible for the South Asian countries to work under a unitary structure? Is federal structure for governance with regional autonomy inferior to the unitary structure in the face of the foreign threats?

Only federal structure with devolved powers could help in governing the South Asian countries. No, it is not inferior because the citizenship remains the same. Also, with a federal structure linguistic sentiments could be solved, especially in the Indian case.

To what extent will the Sri Lankan Tamils’ issue impact the relations between India and Sri Lanka?

President Rajapaksa has successfully purchased arms from Pakistan, China and Iran and hence Sri Lankan government’s dependence on India is less. As of now, India is training Sri Lankan soldiers. There has been a qualitative change in India’s as well as Tamil Nadu’s opinion on the LTTE. Earlier, India was directly involved in the ethnic conflict, but now we are bystanders.

Given the support from Tamil Nadu for the besieged Tamils, how do you assess Indian government handling of this sensitive issue?

The central government has managed to take along the state government in the LTTE issue. Both of them are speaking the same language. There are some vocal supporters or pro LTTE parties that may not have more than ten per cent of votes. Its either DMK or AIADMK that rule the state. So, these smaller groups do not make much influence.

'Federalism is the solution in Sri Lanka

With the Sri Lankan Tamils issue disturbing the social and political fabric in Tamil Nadu for the last few months, every move made by the state and the central government are being closely watched. Having intervened in the Sri Lankan internal matters since the 80s, India has the moral responsibility to solve this sensitive issue, say critics. What is the Indian government response to this issue? What kind of political set up could bring peace in the troubled Island? Dennis S. Jesudasan interviews Dr. M. Mayilvaganan, Associate Fellow, Institute of Defence Studies and Analyses, who is a expert working on the Indo - Sri Lankan relations since 2006.

In the picture: Dr.M. Mayilvaganan, Faculty, IDSA, New Delhi
Photo: IDSA, New Delhi

The fall of Kilinochhi was a clear sign of the end of the ethnic crisis in the Island. How do you read the incidents in the past five months?

The incidents unfolding in Sri Lanka for last few months suggest that LTTE's conventional military capability is nearing its end. On the other hand, it also shows the determination of the Rajapaksa government in winning the Tigers militarily before moving to a political process. However, I do not see the fall of Kilinochchi or Mullaitivu as the end of the ethnic crisis. Through military means you can bring normalcy but can not bring permanent peace. Permanent peace can be achieved only through power sharing.

Is it possible for the government forces to wipe LTTE off the Island?

No. Territorially the government could do that. But the Tigers will always be there mingling with the population and could wage guerilla warfare.

From where do financial supports come to the Tigers?

From the Tamil Diaspora, especially from Canada, United Kingdom, Australia, and France.

In case LTTE loses its commander (V. Prabakaran), who will lead the organisation?

It could be. Pottu Amman or Charles Antony or Soosai in the order of priority.

What do you think are the strengths and the weakness of both the government forces and the LTTE?

The government’s strength lies in its superiority in air power, overwhelming support from the Sinhalese and political support from India. Its major weakness is the polarisation of communities in the Iisland. Regarding the LTTE, their strengths precipitate from the government’s mistakes. There is support from Tamils in Sri Lanka and the Diaspora. Lack of man power is its weakness.


What kind of government set up is a solution that "is acceptable to all communities"?

Federalism.

What is the Sri Lankan government's position on the XIII amendment of the Sri Lankan Constitution?

No clear policy. But the government could go for it with some provisions removed so as to please India.

To what extent will the Sri Lankan Tamils’ issue impact the relations between India and Sri Lanka?

The Sri Lankan Tamils issue will affect the domestic constituency and may be put a little strain in the bilateral relations.

With a lot of support from Tamil Nadu for the Tamils in Sri Lanka, how does the Indian government handle this sensitive issue?

There is no clear policy in this issue. The government handles the Sri Lankan issue based on the situation and demand.

What are the major shifts in the Indian response to the Sri Lankan issue between the period before and after Rajiv Gandhi's assassination?

After Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination, India wants to use a “play behind the scene” diplomacy. It is moving towards building state to state relations.

Most of the regional parties in Tamil Nadu and few of the national parties have made their stance clear on the Sri Lankan Tamils issue. If the political equation in the country change (say the DMK's pulling out of UPA), will the Indian response to the Sri Lankan Tamils issue change too?

There could be a chance of the government making a slight change its policy.

With a multi lingual, multi religious and multi cultural society (both Indian case and otherwise), is it possible for the South Asian countries to work under a unitary structure? Is federal structure for governance with regional autonomy inferior to the unitary structure in the face of the foreign threats?

No, federal structure is not inferior to any other forms. The federal structure suits well for multi cultural and divided societies. It will help in solving many issues in the region.

Feature - This summer is too hot to forecast in TN

Too sunny to see!

Summer will be too hot in Tamil Nadu for another reason this year – Elections. With the Sri Lankan Tamils issue disturbing the political and social fabric of Tamil Nadu for the last few months, and with the alignment of various political parties under different banners in this issue, the electoral alliance of these parties for the coming parliamentary elections is the most anticipated one.

Having won all the 39 seats in the 14^th parliamentary elections in May 2004, the Congress led United Progressive Alliance swept the state recording cent per cent result. Winning all the seats of a state is something any alliance would dream of. The state topped the Council of Ministers list with twelve seats – with the DMK, Congress and the PMK getting seven, four and one ministers respectively. But the state Assembly elections in 2006 did not reflect a similar pattern. The Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam led alliance won 163 seats and formed the government, while the AIADMK alliance won 69 seats.

With a lot of changes having taken place in the political alliances that had won the general elections in 2004, the state is facing the general elections in three months.

This time around the issues in and around Sri Lanka seem to be the factors influencing the electoral scene in Tamil Nadu in this parliamentary election. Yes, the Congress regime is seen associated majorly along two lines – the Sethu Samudram and the Sri Lankan Tamils.

Despite a lot of opposition from few political quarters and some environment forums, the central government managed to start work for the Sethu Samudram Ship Channal Project. But with the continuous intervention of legal challenges against the government action, it is under litigation in the Supreme Court of India. The Congress in the centre and the DMK in the state consider it one of their major achievements. "It was the DMK that put the project into action from papers", said T. K. S. Ilangovan, spokesperson of the DMK.

But the recent incidents in the state have overshadowed the Sethu Samudram Project and all the speculations made on the forthcoming elections are to a larger extent made on the backdrop of the Sri Lankan Tamils issue. The unfortunate incidents of self immolation by some activists of some parties are considered factors that will influence the coming elections. On the other hand, for famous political analyst like V. Krishna Ananth, these are incidents that would not make much influence in the election results.

Unlike most other states, Tamil Nadu is important for the Congress for the fact that some of the ministers like P. Chidambaram and Mani Shankar Aiyar who have run through the term without major controversies are from the state and thus the party would want them to win 'at any cost'. Given the nature of elections, the local issues in the constituency matter a lot over his earned name in the party and the government in electing the candidate to the House. P. Chidambaram’s expertise and in international market and knowledge over recession and Mani Shankar Aiyar’s initiatives for tribal welfare in the North East will matter least to the aam admi in the constituency.

If P. Chidambaram, Mani Shankar Aiyar, T. R. Baalu and R. Velu are known in their constituencies, it will be for the construction of the medical college in Sivaganga, for the successful NREGS in Nagapattinam, the over bridges in Chennai and for the extended sub urban train service till Arrakonam respectively. Little will matter is their reputation in the Council of Ministers.

But, even done that, the candidate could not expect the ground easy for him. There are issues that are centuries old existing even before the candidate’s entry into politics and will stay put long after he is gone. Yes, Caste does play a major role in the election results. These caste equations in the state have made people win and lose, helped leaders rise and fall in this country. Tamil Nadu is no exception. Active politicians may deny it. So does G. Nanmaran of the MDMK saying, "If everything works along caste lines, no single party can emerge a winner”.

Keeping out the major issues of the state, delimitation too a larger extent have impacted the parties in their strategy of wooing every district's prominent caste. For instance, the prominent and dominant caste in Sivaganga district is the Chettiars, and the Member elected to the Parliament from the constituency comes from the same caste. But, the delimitation of constituencies in December 2007 has included parts of other districts to the constituency that has affected the community composition of the constituency.

"No caste is represented by single party, but parties can be represented by caste. Its all fluid" says M.S.S. Pandian, academician and political critic.

The ruling DMK wants to maintain the alliance with the Congress this time too. "The Congress DMK alliance is known for its performance and it will reflect it in the coming elections", said T. K. S. Ilangovan, spokesperson of the DMK. The DMK's defiance against the LTTE in February 2009 was a major change in its policy against the banned organization in the Island. In December 2008, the party's General Secretary K. Anbalagan had said, "DMK neither support nor oppose the LTTE" in the Assembly.

Relations with its ally PMK, does not seem well for the DMK. The PMK's exit from the alliance in July 2008 did not affect the national UPA until the break out of the Sri Lankan Tamils issue. Even now, the PMK is officially with the UPA, but their relation with the DMK does not seem good especially in the wake of the Sri Lankan issue.

With the Sri Lankan Tamils issue gaining impetus the PMK started working with many pro LTTE parties that have started a movement persuading the state and the centre to stop the war in Sri Lanka. This move by the PMK has annoyed the ruling DMK and it is evident with the exchange of words between S. Ramadoss and M. Karunanidhi in the public.

But after the meeting with Congress Legislature Party leader D. Sudarsanam on Februrary, Ramadoss seem to have backtracked from his earlier position in the Sri Lankan Tamils issue. Also the PMK is losing its supporters to other parties feel critics. "The PMK is not as strong as it used to be earlier. It is losing its supporters (Vanniars) to other parties" says V. Krishna Ananth, a political analyst. (DMK ministers Durai Murugan and Veerapandi S. Arumugam, for instance are Vanniars)

The AIADMK alliance has MDMK for this parliamentary election. Vaiko leading the Sri Lankan Tamils Protection Movement is seen by his critics as politicizing the Sri Lankan Tamils issue. But Vaiko denied it sharply saying that he would not mind losing his political career for the cause of the Sri Lankan Tamils. "We do not have elections in mind. The MDMK has been active in this issue for the past ten years. It is for the people to decide for themselves", said G. Nanmaran, spokesperson of the MDMK in an interview.

After their pull out from the UPA, the Left parties have joined the AIADMK in Tamil Nadu in December 2008. The Left parties took to AIADMK since the party does not have any association with the BJP. So, for the parliamentary elections in May the BJP will be left alone.

Thol. Thirumavalavan of the Vidthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi is active in the Sri Lankan issue, but his party could possibly help only one candidate from Chidambaram constituency, since a majority of the party's cadres are concentrated in this place, and hence major parties having alliances with VCK will not make a big difference.

Also, Thirumavalavan's relations with the state Congress leaders in the last five months, his political activism as a pro LTTE party and especially the Sathyamurthi Bhawan incident may not help him form an alliance with the Congress. The DMK leadership would not lose the Congress, for one man whose party has just two MLAs in the Assembly. Defying all chances of change of alliance because of Thirumavalavan, a spokesperson of the Congress, Hamid said "We strongly believe Congress will win along with its alliance with DMK. We are hopeful of winning all 40 seats (39 in Tamil Nadu and one in Puducherry)".

Tamil Nadu elections have always been notoriously difficult to predict. Given the extremely fluid situation with ergard to alliances – pre and post elections, as well as the still uncertain and highly emotive Sri Lankan issue, forecasts are like words on water. Results of the past elections and opinions from analysts could only make an assumption of the situation and the process ends after a while with a question mark. Of course, three months is a long period in politics. Anything could happen. After all, it was because of a party from this state a Union government fell after thirteen days. But, watch out – it is cooking hot!

Interview with VCK leader

'Indian politics has entered a new phase'

With the parliamentary elections just two months away, political parties in Tamil Nadu have almost finalised their alliances. The ruling DMK will continue the alliance with the Congress, while the MDMK and the Left parties will sidewith the AIADMK. The only minor party that is officially with the Congress alliance is Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi which may not continue, with the Congress leader K.V. Thangkabalu expressing his reluctance to accommodate VCK.

If the Congress alliance pushes the VCK out of the alliance, will the latter have an alliance with AIADMK? And what are the major issues that will determine the elections results this time? Dennis S. Jesudasan interviews
D. Ravikumar, the sole Member of Legislative Assembly from the party who quit his job to join politics, aspiring to work for the welfare of the Dalit community in Tamil Nadu.

In the picture: D. Ravikumar, MLA, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi
Photo: S V Krishnamachari

Where does your party stand today?

As of now, the situation is fluid. We are officially with the DMK and we want to continue with the alliance. Also, Congress needs the alliance to form the government in the centre. They need support not just from here, but from every state.

The DMK and the Congress are meeting today to discuss the seat sharing details. We have a meeting today too. Let us wait and see what emerges from these meetings.

In any case, how many seats do you intend to contest?

We have expressed a desire to contest from three constituencies - two reserved and one general. The general is likely to be from Kallakurichi.

Bahujan Samaj Party is another party that has a similar vote bank as yours. They are contesting in all the constituencies in Tamil Nadu. Will that affect your performance in the coming elections?

Bahujan Samaj Party has no visible presence in Tamil Nadu. Even if it contests here it will not make any impact in the state.

But one of your party members, who was an MLA, chose to switch to the BSP...

People may switch parties. In every party, people come and go. As far as we are concerned, the party is around the personality of Thol. Thirumavalavan.

How do you see the Third Front emerging?

There are bright chances for the Third Front to make it big. As things stand now, neither the Congress nor the BJP will manage to retain the seats which they won in the last elections. The Congress has lost the Left parties, while the Biju Janata Dal has quit the alliance with the BJP.

You say that the national parties are losing popularity. So, is Indian politics leading to?

Indian politics has reached a saturation point where the course of coalition politics has to take a new turn and that turn will be the future of the country. I will not be wrong in saying that Indian politics has entered a new phase.

So the Third Front will be a success this time?

We don’t know anything for sure. I can only say the Congress and the BJP will not retain their seats in Parliament.

What are the major issues that will decide the election results in Tamil Nadu?

In all the elections since Independence, only emotional issues have made impacts in the election results but not the core issues. In the case of Tamil Nadu, the DMK has used it to its advantage. Going by that logic, the sensitive Sri Lankan issue will be the deciding factor in the coming elections. So, Congress will be the biggest victim of this issue.

But the DMK runs a parallel movement like your Eelam Tamils Protection Movement?

People will question the moral responsibility of the DMK. The DMK as a party acted very well against the issue by organizing human chains and demonstrations. But as a party in the government they had the chance to act in a manner that could have changed things in the troubled Island. People are aware of it and will question it at the appropriate time.

Why is the Sri Lankan issue very important to you?

Our principles are based on Tamil nationalism and secularism. We cannot compromise our principles at any cost. Many parties in the state are politicizing the Sri Lankan issue for their election benefits. We do not want to do that because we cannot compromise on our principles.

Pudhiya Thamizhagam is a counterpart of your party in the South. How do you see it as a potential competitor for your growth in the South?

Pudhiya Thamizhagam cannot be compared to our party. We won two seats in the Assembly elections in 2006. Yes, both our parties were in the same forum (National Dalit Front) under the leadership of Ramvilas Paswan in Lok Tan Shakti. We both want to uplift the lives of the Dalits. But, since 1999, one can see Puthiya Thamizhagam losing popularity, while Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi gained support.

Can you see your party joining the AIADMK alliance?

Jayalalithaa seems to see Modi as a role model and this very much affects our attitude towards AIADMK. We do not want another Gujarat in Tamil Nadu. We are very much concerned about the future of Tamil Nadu and we want it secure.

They have informed their willingness to offer three seats to us. We have not decided on this yet.

Will Vijayakant make an influence in the elections this time?

Vijayakant and his party will not make any impact in the elections. Since the time the Sri Lankan issue emerged in the political scene, Vijayakant has been invisible. With this taking the centrestage for the coming elections, Vijayakant will be irrelevant in Tamil Nadu politics.

Profile - Vaiko

Vaiko: the One Man Army


With all the known names of MDMK quitting the party, Vaiko is determined to meet the parliamentary elections facing bigger challenges.


Vaiko is not an obscure figure in Tamil politics. Since his entry into the scene in the 70s, Vaiko is known for his pro-LTTE statements and his unconditional support of the Sri Lankan Tamils. He is one of the few leaders in Tamil politics, who has all along stood in support of the Sri Lankan Tamils’ cause.

Born in an agriculturist family in the remote village of Kalingappatti in Southern Tamil Nadu, Vaiko developed a passion for politics during his student days in Palayamkottai and Chennai. Vaiko is a lawyer and also a post-graduate in Economics.

Vaiko was named Vai. Gopalsamy by his parents, but he preferred to be called “Vai. Go” (வை. கோ) by the political fraternity. An ardent supporter of the Dravidian Movement, he was inspired by Anna and joined Tamil politics. He was with the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam until his exit in 1993. Vaiko accused DMK Chief M. Karunanidhi of supporting his son Stalin and playing dynasty politics.

During his days in the DMK, he was made a Member of Rajya Sabha in the party seat for three terms between 1978 and 1996. During his tenure as a Member of Rajya Sabha, Vaiko was nominated Member in Railway Convention Committee, Committee on the Welfare of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Committee on Petitions and Committee on Papers Laid on the Table.

After his exit from the DMK, Vaiko floated Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam in 1993. He was elected to the 13 th Lok Sabha in 1999 on a MDMK seat.

During his tenure in the Lok Sabha, Vaiko was nominated a member in Committee on External Affairs and its Sub-Committee-I, Consultative Committee, Ministry of Industry, Committee of Privileges, Committee on Defence, Committee on Science and Technology, Environment and Forests and Committee on Ethics.

Vaiko was known for his oratorical skills in Parliament. He is called ‘Puratchi Puyal’ (புரட்சி புயல்)meaning a revolutionary hurricane by his party men.

Vaiko was arrested for his pro-LTTE statements during the Jayalalithaa regime in 2002. After having spent 19 months in prison, Vaiko was released when the AIADMK-led government decided to drop the charges against him.

Vaiko’s MDMK forged alliance with the Congress led United Progressive Alliance and contested four seats in the parliamentary elections in 2004 and won them all. But, Vaiko decided to change his state political equation and joined the AIADMK in 2006, prior to the Assembly elections. His party contested in as many as 35 seats, but managed to win only in six assembly constituencies.
Vaiko not only lost in the elections, but also lost two of his lieutenants L. Ganesan and Gingee Ramachandran, who parted ways.

Vaiko met United States President Barack Obama, prior to his election and discussed the draft of the former’s book, “Yes, We Can”. Vaiko promoted the Sri Lankan Tamils cause in Toronto and London and generated enough space for his political activism.

With the parliamentary elections announced in May 2009 in Tamil Nadu, Vaiko has fielded the Sri Lankan cause as major issue, since the neighbour Island is witnessing the killing the Tamil civilians in the attempt to sweep off the rebels. Asan attempt to mobolize the masses for the cause of the Sri Lankan Tamils and an indirect preparation for the approaching parliamentary elections, Vaiko has joined hands with Tamil separatist Nedumaran, CPI State Secretary D. Pandian, Pattali Makkal Katchi leader S. Ramadoss and Viduthalai Chief Katchi Chief Thol. Thirumavalavan and formed the Eelam Tamils Protection Movement.

Notwithstanding his efforts to strengthen the AIADMK alliance, Vaiko’s friend and MDMK presidium chairman M. Kannappan quit the party and is expected to join the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam on 17 March. Kannappan is the last known leader in the MDMK camp other than the party’s General Secretary.

Vaiko’s open support of the Sri Lankan Tamils has earned him a big name among the Tamil Diaspora and also could bring in some thousands votes to the AIADMK alliance in the coming elections. But what lies ahead of Vaiko are the bigger challenges of keeping big names from quitting his party apart from making the Sri Lankan issue work for him in the parliamentary elections in May 2009.

Coalition - the God of Small Things!

The coalition government in Tamil Nadu is an essential phase in the history of the state as well as the national politics, as it marks the beginning of end of single regional party majority in the state, which was in place for more than forty years, since 1967. Also, it is equally important to the Congress because, it was the Congress that ruled the state before the 1967 elections.

Tamil Nadu was a challenge to the national parties, since the state was taken over by the regional from the 1960s. The Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party being the two large parties in the country which managed to rule the country during various point of time since independence. But this southern state has always been their challenge, especially after the 1967 elections. The anti – Hindi sentiment of the 60’s Tamil Nadu overthrew the Congress rule in the state, despite famous Congress Chief Ministers like K. Kamaraj, C. Rajaji among others.

The political scenario of the state made a shift in 1967 with a sweeping win by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, with a historic turn over of voters, 76% the highest in the history of Tamil Nadu elections. From then on, it’s the regional parties rule all the way to this day. Of course, the national parties managed to win alliances with these parties mainly for the Parliamentary elections, for the state political equation was different from the national politics, required a Dravidian spirit to a party.

The Indian political system’s famous trend of coalition politics to form government and rule the people has become indispensable in the face of representation of a pluralist society. The multiplicity of tiny political parties in the country and the solid vote banks they carry is not an issue which can be weighed flippantly. With the major influencing factors in the electoral Indian scene being caste, language, and other social sub divisions, it is inevitable to ignore these parties in the longer run for they have earned a sizeable vote banks in the state. With every other election, the less represented community chooses to float a party for the coming elections. Indian society being quite diverse on various lines at various points of incision, the largest democracy provides more parties to the already dense political fabric. Tamil Nadu not being an exception follows suit.

Coalition as a process in an elected democracy though, is not new to the Indian political system. The first coalition government was formed as early as 1952 in the first general elections in India. In the then Madras state, the Congress it had to join hands with the minor parties in the state since it failed to win majority. After a long spell of monopoly by the regional parties for over forty years, the second phase of coalition politics in the state started when the present government won the 2006 elections with its alliance with the Congress, Left parties and the Pattali Makkal Katchi. With all the allies including the Congress which won a extraordinary 34 seats, agreeing to support the exclusively Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government from outside, M. Karunanidhi took over Tamil Nadu on 13 May 2006, opening a renewed chapter in the Tamil Nadu political history.

The result of the last Assembly elections in Tamil Nadu exhibit a healthy pattern in the political equation, when compared to West Bengal and Assam that underwent the elections along with Tamil Nadu in 2006. The complete sweep by the Left in West Bengal did not allow a strong opposition in the left dominated state and the hung assembly in Assam did not allow either of the opponents to form government without realignment of the political equation. In Tamil Nadu, the All India Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam got 61 seats with its ally Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam got 6 seats, a strong enough combination to oppose the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam government, which of course is enjoying outside support from the Congress, the Pattali Makkal Katchi (later walked out of the alliance in 2008) and the Left parties.

Forming the government in the Legislative Assembly does not have the same political equation than the national scene. The state assembly elections bring out the various tiny political parties in the state to the surface which actually represent the many political identities in the state. In the 2006 Assembly elections alone, 1364 candidates from 36 major and minor parties and 1222 independent candidates contested for 234 seats, giving the voters a wide range of choice.

The rise in number of parties in the state also shows the increasing political consciousness in the state reflecting the citizens’ trust in democracy and the higher literacy rate. With the winning chances in the constituencies lie mostly over the local issues and the issues concerning the state and the political activism of the candidate after his win, the real parliamentary issues or the international issues largely do not affect the local politics. For instance, the most famous Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu K. Kamaraj was defeated in his own constituency (Virudhunagar) by a candidate who was a leader in the student wing of a regional party in 1967.

On the other hand, the emergence of caste based parties like Pattali Makkal Katchi and Dalit Panthers of India also prove that the legendary Dravidian Movement in the state was not a complete success. The prominent social movement which influenced the political geography of Tamil Nadu was aimed against the caste differentiation in the society. But as the results stand today, it is evident that the movement has failed to erase identity based on caste in the political arena. The Pattali Makkal Katchi and the Dalit Panthers of India are said to be the parties with the Vanniars and Dalits forming their vote banks respectively. This is evident as these parties have won from constituencies in Northern Tamil Nadu especially where the Vanniars and Dalits forming the concentration in this part of the state.

The legendary Dravidian movement which is influencing the Tamil Nadu politics to this day has not succeeded in bringing about a society which does not allow caste into politics. In the last forty years of Dravidian parties’ ruling the state, the two major Dravidian parties could not avoid the emergence of other caste based parties. These parties have failed to accommodate the interests of all the social strata in the Tamil society, giving way for not just new parties surfacing in the political platform, but also did permit some of their leaders break away from them to form parties. Though, the movement has benefited the social scene of the state to a larger extent, it does not reflect in the state’s political arena, especially with identity of caste as base for forming a party becoming common.

The regional parties in Tamil Nadu, which are the brainchildren of the Dravidian movement, have a common ideology. They are all against the Hindutva ideology of the right winged political elements in and other states in the country. But as we observe across decades, the political ideologies of the different parties in the state have not always been the primary priority during the elections. The political parties’ alignment during the elections had not necessarily depended on their ideology, but on their interests in a certain political situation. For instance, one of the oldest parties of the Dravidian ideology, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam joined hands with the Bharatiya Janata Party, the advocate of Hindutva, for the Lok Sabha elections in 1996.

With the record of various alliances the regional parties had with each other in the state, and the national parties changing their sides constantly, the political equation of the state is not stable, and evidently there are no permanent friends or foes in the Tamil Nadu politics. As the Tamil Nadu political system enters the coalition era, every ideological genre has to be included in the mainstream political process. The chances of winning a majority in the recent times also depend on the number of big and small parties that form the alliance. With the small parties in Tamil Nadu like the Pattali Makkal Katchi, Left parties and Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam earning certain number of constituencies to them, the major parties can not afford to ignore them. In the new era of coalition in Tamil Nadu, united the parties win majority, divided they contest again!